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lindsirae's review
5.0
5 stars for the excellent critique of the contemporary Western left, and the very helpful outlining of the petite bourgeoisie as a class defined by precarity and social mobility. This book introduces a way of looking at class that is much more comprehensive and useful than simply proletariat vs bourgeoisie, given the complex class structures of the UK and US in which the “intermediary classes” (the petite boug & the PMC) are more numerous and more politically active than the working class.
However, I did observe some shortcomings that limited the usefulness of Evans’s framework: namely, the lack of consideration for the *global* class structure, without which any analysis of class falls short.
I suspect that Evans does not delve into issues of nationality because of his stated hostility toward identity politics - a fair stance given liberalism’s successful co-optation of potential sources of genuine radicalism (race in particular) into toothless, individualized points of interpersonal grievance. But it is just plain wrong to speak of the “working class” without considering the global division of labor, and where the Western working class fits into that.
After all, imperialism is a capitalist imperative that benefits not only the ruling classes, but every class in the imperial core, even the most exploited ones. Perhaps because he is British, he is unaware of how strongly the desire to attain and retain the objective and subjective power of being an American motivates people’s politics. Even the working class in the imperial core *does* have something to lose — the massive privilege and power that simply being a part of the empire affords us. This fuels reactionary politics across all classes as strongly as domestic conditions do, if not even moreso. (For instance, the traditional petite bourgeoisie in the US has long identified China as a source of competition, which leads them to support right-wing politicians who are more willing to engage in openly racist denunciations of China, which in turn prompts the Democrats to try to match their “tough on China” rhetoric, thus ratcheting the entire Overton window even further towards racist, imperialist reactionary politics).
I still highly recommend reading this work, because the basic framework it lays out and its diagnosis of the left’s failures are spot on. As always, just don’t consider it in isolation — it must be synthesized with other, more globally minded paradigms.
However, I did observe some shortcomings that limited the usefulness of Evans’s framework: namely, the lack of consideration for the *global* class structure, without which any analysis of class falls short.
I suspect that Evans does not delve into issues of nationality because of his stated hostility toward identity politics - a fair stance given liberalism’s successful co-optation of potential sources of genuine radicalism (race in particular) into toothless, individualized points of interpersonal grievance. But it is just plain wrong to speak of the “working class” without considering the global division of labor, and where the Western working class fits into that.
After all, imperialism is a capitalist imperative that benefits not only the ruling classes, but every class in the imperial core, even the most exploited ones. Perhaps because he is British, he is unaware of how strongly the desire to attain and retain the objective and subjective power of being an American motivates people’s politics. Even the working class in the imperial core *does* have something to lose — the massive privilege and power that simply being a part of the empire affords us. This fuels reactionary politics across all classes as strongly as domestic conditions do, if not even moreso. (For instance, the traditional petite bourgeoisie in the US has long identified China as a source of competition, which leads them to support right-wing politicians who are more willing to engage in openly racist denunciations of China, which in turn prompts the Democrats to try to match their “tough on China” rhetoric, thus ratcheting the entire Overton window even further towards racist, imperialist reactionary politics).
I still highly recommend reading this work, because the basic framework it lays out and its diagnosis of the left’s failures are spot on. As always, just don’t consider it in isolation — it must be synthesized with other, more globally minded paradigms.
snapier's review against another edition
challenging
hopeful
informative
slow-paced
3.0
This was a tough read as it is theory laden and very information heavy. It perhaps could have been shorter as there is lots of repetition, but ultimately this serves to hammer home the intricacies of the points Evans makes. Saying that, this book was worth the effort and challenge of reading, as Evans make a case for the return of a socialism which unites across class and means instead of the neoliberal individuation and name calling of Labourism. What a world we could create through seeing the human underneath the voting record and the scars of life in a vastly uncaring system of exploitation.
zzt's review
The author claims to have gone to a working class school but was a petty bourgeois like his parents. Somehow going to university made him better than his childhood friends. Johnson is the only politician that has a pet name. Every politician has an 'ism'. Then he complains about the cult of personality, which this book consistently glorifies. He is unable to define the left in the Labour Party, which is not left and never has been. The petty bourgeois are a mixed bag, a confused conglomeration of left and right politics because of their obsession with personal advancement but the conclusion is that they are all nice people really (tell that to the victims estate agents, car dealers, bailiffs and lawyers) . Why were the petty bourgeois enrolled as officers during WW1? Because the young bourgeois was wiped out at Mons and the Somme.
Petty bourgeois lack a frame of reference, have no political unified voice, only trade groups (these groups support for far right politics is not mentioned), no indication of why they can't mix other than they feel 'out of place' and 'unsociable'
There are a range of entryist and recidivist claims made in this book but nothing about the role of the bourgeois and capitalist elites 7 of which own the UK media (this is dismissed as not important)
The media control is the whole point, this is the marketing used the tell the petty bourgeois what to think and say because they are a self interested group lacking in a coherent narrative or care for their communities.
His obsession with Poulantzas is a problem as this work of the 1970s is out of date and was about France not the UK.
He quotes Marx to show how his opinion changed but he is unable to postulate a change in definition of working class and its relation to the means of production, never mentioning the extensive discussion of capitalism and alienation
Petty bourgeois lack a frame of reference, have no political unified voice, only trade groups (these groups support for far right politics is not mentioned), no indication of why they can't mix other than they feel 'out of place' and 'unsociable'
There are a range of entryist and recidivist claims made in this book but nothing about the role of the bourgeois and capitalist elites 7 of which own the UK media (this is dismissed as not important)
The media control is the whole point, this is the marketing used the tell the petty bourgeois what to think and say because they are a self interested group lacking in a coherent narrative or care for their communities.
His obsession with Poulantzas is a problem as this work of the 1970s is out of date and was about France not the UK.
He quotes Marx to show how his opinion changed but he is unable to postulate a change in definition of working class and its relation to the means of production, never mentioning the extensive discussion of capitalism and alienation
subdue_provide75's review
hopeful
informative
reflective
medium-paced
3.75
Ideas felt fresh, even if a bit sloppy in the middle third.
alfboyreads's review
4.75
woah!! before this book my understanding of class was very 2d and now it is a palpable, throbbing 3d growth absolutely dripping everywhere. i went into the book with the opinion that anyone who does not own the means of production can be lumped in with the working class but i was very wrong!! three whole types of classes have popped up that i didn't really know were there and now i actually know what the middle class consists of instead of it just being this vague, amorphous blob.
i disagree with some of his sentiments and the way he talks about identity policts but other than that!! ooh babey!! what an education this book gave me!!
i disagree with some of his sentiments and the way he talks about identity policts but other than that!! ooh babey!! what an education this book gave me!!
fiendfull's review
3.0
A Nation of Shopkeepers is a book exploring the history and present of the petite bourgeoisie, particularly in Britain. Evans looks at the complicated class structure of modern Britain, how education and housing play a part in class, and considers the impact of individualism upon politics and the left. The conclusion offers suggestions for how the petite bourgeoisie, which Evans positions as vital in modern Britain, could come together with the working class to actually make a difference.
There's a lot of interesting content in the book, particularly around the divide between old and new petite bourgeoisie and how these differences manifest in terms of politics, ideas, and living reality. The charting of the history of education and housing in Britain and how this has been impacted by and influences politics and class gives a good framework for seeing some of the structural elements that create and maintain the petite bourgeoisie and gives a good background for what has gone before. The book provides some frameworks for thinking about class in modern Britain in new ways and seeing beyond prejudices on various sides to consider where it came from and what impact it has.
There are quite a lot of references to left Twitter, which if you're not someone who is part of it or sees those posts, can feel like Evans is arguing against a broad generalisation (I learnt what the Deano meme is, at least). In particular, there's a few throwaway complains about identity politics and intersectionality being too individualist, but it feels like if this is a reason to not consider the impact on intersectionality, whether as it applies to individual people or broader groups, then it could've been expanded to actually argue a point about "identity politics" rather than use it as a vague complaint against some parts of the left new petite bourgeoisie. Maybe this is something seen as already debated on left Twitter or elsewhere, but as I haven't read many similar books or engaged with many debates on left Twitter, to me it felt like ignoring other factors that impact the modern impressions of not only class itself, but also the key areas covered in the book like education, housing, and social mobility.
A Nation of Shopkeepers offers a new framework for thinking about class in modern Britain and there's a lot of interesting things to think about in terms of the present and future of socialism and trade unions, but also around specific areas like home ownership and precarious work. However, as is often true with political and sociological topics, some of its analysis didn't work for me and at times it felt a bit repetitive whilst barely covering other things it mentioned.
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