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A review by samnsu
World-Systems Analysis: An Introduction by Immanuel Wallerstein
4.0
Chapter 1: Historical Origins of World-System Analysis: From Social Science Disciplines to Historical Social Sciences
Wallerstein introduces what World-System Analysis entails. One most prominent feature of this theory is its inclination towards interdisciplinary studies. He roughly divides the world into three main sectors: the state (politics), the market (economy), and civil society (sociology). These three seemingly distinct areas are, in his views, only ambiguously distinguished and it is almost impossible to overlook the other two when studying one of them. In other words, the traditional categorisation of disciplines and subjects somehow becomes reductive when trying to see the world as one single complex system. And pretty obviously, it is almost impossible, no matter how all-encompassing it claims to be, for a single theory to include everything. Wallerstein admits there are criticisms of WSA on its unidisciplinary-ness and so sort, as it does not regard the weight of other disciplines in social science. He admits that this theory is a grand narrative but ultimately "reflects reality closer than other [theories].”
Chapter 2: The Modern World-System as a Capitalist World-Economy: Production, Surplus Value, and Polarisation
Wallerstein sees the world as necessarily a capitalist world-economy. This system favours or encourages the endless accumulation of capital and, according to Marx, is the prerequisite of commencing capitalist movements. Those who do not play with the current rules would be naturally eliminated. As a result, accumulating capital becomes the norm of every individual in this system, yet the process of which could be in competition with other hoarders. For the wage-earners, according to Wallerstein, seek to be proletarianised as that means they could secure better income as 50% of their household comes from the wage itself. That is also why he thinks that individuals are situated in households, and households classes, rather than how we intuitively think of it. Nevertheless, what the individual could be in are the status-groups that represent identities, and within the households the problem of which couldn’t be perfectly reconciled. Yet between status-groups is the polarisation between universalism and anti-universalism both of which the WS provides a platform for their propagation and development while keeping the whole WS moving.
Chapter 3: The Rise of State System: Sovereign Nation-States, Colonies, and the Interstate System
The issue of sovereignty does not only happen in the local state but one that is on the international debate table as well, as the legitimacy of a sovereign sometimes does depend international acknowledgment. For the businessmen, a sovereign state is the body that has to power to control the rules of business in a certain area. Yet some business decisions do externalise some costs to the International states: impact on ecology mostly; the building of infrastructure is one key investment that is usually funded out by the state. Which means the state is actually a strong player on the international level, as it can facilitate or baffle business. Also, Wallerstein thinks that the notion of “nation” is but a myth constructed by the state in order to reinforce its authority, by dint of education, services in armies, and public ceremonies. Colonial states are by far the weakest of states as they virtually have little autonomy and tend to be exploit by other countries. Why is then a world-empire impossible? Capitalism won’t permit anything that comes before it; yet when within this capitalistic hegemony interests groups start to yearn for a larger slice of cake, the state needs to come back and regulate the situation. While the balance is restored, capital escapes again and wait for the next cycle of chaos to come about, then another hegemony of accumulation will reach its peak, thus again state intervention.
Chapter 4: The Creation of a Geoculture: Ideologies, Social Movements, Social Science
A geoculture, in Wallerstein’s own words, is the set of "values that are very widely shared throughout the world-system.” If the 19th century has a liberal geoculture, what about today’s world? A society is formed by different status-groups which have different sizes, hence impacts, on the current society. Wallersteins states that conservatism favours the structure of families, traditions, and the legitimacy of a faith/religion that is in favour of their discourse; liberalism, on the other hand, favours professionalism that places people on spots that perhaps are most suitable for them. In order to attain a liberal society, universal suffrage has to be achieved and before that, an educated population is required. This is only one side of the issue, as even universal suffrage is put into practice there are groups that are left behind. These minorities, as a result, form their little interest/status-groups and try to change the society they live in through social movements.
Chapter 5: The Modern World-System in Crisis: Bifurcation, Chaos, and Choices
Wallerstein thinks that the current system is in the midst of a long-term crisis, and it might not have the power to restore its perfect balance. The current capitalist world-system recuperates itself, as its creation of profits is actually a process similar to funding its employees to buy its products. The balance here is difficult to maintain, as purchasing power increases when the cost of keeping the employees increases as well. Businesses then have to look for ways to mitigate the cost and maximise the profit. For example, by relocating their business to a peripheral country, the cost of production is likely to be externalised; same thing happens when pollution becomes a problem, the business is able to run away from the already polluted land. But these forms of relocation tend to be exhausted as fewer lands are unpolluted and fewer rural ares are undeveloped around the globe. As the system becomes more shakier then ever, the false optimism of the people under oppression will then realise the systemic pitfall, and will look for external forces to compel the system for changes. Wallerstein further observes that in the long cycle of economic downturn the neoliberalists try to boost economy by abolishing trade barriers and cut taxation to encourage the flow of capital and its accumulation. Still, the world-economy today focuses too much the financial side of business: arguably a fluctuant field as there is not real production to support its operations; at the end of the day those who suffer are usually normal people. Even liberty does not promise to solve all the problems as there are the liberty of the majority and that of the minority, as there are people who want use them as a disguise to pursue non-libertarian goals. Equality, as opposed to liberty, supports the realisation of the liberty of the many, while simultaneously encourages that of the few. No matter how this goes, however, Wallersiten is optimistic in a sense that people are more aware of their rights, hence the agency to fight for them.
Wallerstein introduces what World-System Analysis entails. One most prominent feature of this theory is its inclination towards interdisciplinary studies. He roughly divides the world into three main sectors: the state (politics), the market (economy), and civil society (sociology). These three seemingly distinct areas are, in his views, only ambiguously distinguished and it is almost impossible to overlook the other two when studying one of them. In other words, the traditional categorisation of disciplines and subjects somehow becomes reductive when trying to see the world as one single complex system. And pretty obviously, it is almost impossible, no matter how all-encompassing it claims to be, for a single theory to include everything. Wallerstein admits there are criticisms of WSA on its unidisciplinary-ness and so sort, as it does not regard the weight of other disciplines in social science. He admits that this theory is a grand narrative but ultimately "reflects reality closer than other [theories].”
Chapter 2: The Modern World-System as a Capitalist World-Economy: Production, Surplus Value, and Polarisation
Wallerstein sees the world as necessarily a capitalist world-economy. This system favours or encourages the endless accumulation of capital and, according to Marx, is the prerequisite of commencing capitalist movements. Those who do not play with the current rules would be naturally eliminated. As a result, accumulating capital becomes the norm of every individual in this system, yet the process of which could be in competition with other hoarders. For the wage-earners, according to Wallerstein, seek to be proletarianised as that means they could secure better income as 50% of their household comes from the wage itself. That is also why he thinks that individuals are situated in households, and households classes, rather than how we intuitively think of it. Nevertheless, what the individual could be in are the status-groups that represent identities, and within the households the problem of which couldn’t be perfectly reconciled. Yet between status-groups is the polarisation between universalism and anti-universalism both of which the WS provides a platform for their propagation and development while keeping the whole WS moving.
Chapter 3: The Rise of State System: Sovereign Nation-States, Colonies, and the Interstate System
The issue of sovereignty does not only happen in the local state but one that is on the international debate table as well, as the legitimacy of a sovereign sometimes does depend international acknowledgment. For the businessmen, a sovereign state is the body that has to power to control the rules of business in a certain area. Yet some business decisions do externalise some costs to the International states: impact on ecology mostly; the building of infrastructure is one key investment that is usually funded out by the state. Which means the state is actually a strong player on the international level, as it can facilitate or baffle business. Also, Wallerstein thinks that the notion of “nation” is but a myth constructed by the state in order to reinforce its authority, by dint of education, services in armies, and public ceremonies. Colonial states are by far the weakest of states as they virtually have little autonomy and tend to be exploit by other countries. Why is then a world-empire impossible? Capitalism won’t permit anything that comes before it; yet when within this capitalistic hegemony interests groups start to yearn for a larger slice of cake, the state needs to come back and regulate the situation. While the balance is restored, capital escapes again and wait for the next cycle of chaos to come about, then another hegemony of accumulation will reach its peak, thus again state intervention.
Chapter 4: The Creation of a Geoculture: Ideologies, Social Movements, Social Science
A geoculture, in Wallerstein’s own words, is the set of "values that are very widely shared throughout the world-system.” If the 19th century has a liberal geoculture, what about today’s world? A society is formed by different status-groups which have different sizes, hence impacts, on the current society. Wallersteins states that conservatism favours the structure of families, traditions, and the legitimacy of a faith/religion that is in favour of their discourse; liberalism, on the other hand, favours professionalism that places people on spots that perhaps are most suitable for them. In order to attain a liberal society, universal suffrage has to be achieved and before that, an educated population is required. This is only one side of the issue, as even universal suffrage is put into practice there are groups that are left behind. These minorities, as a result, form their little interest/status-groups and try to change the society they live in through social movements.
Chapter 5: The Modern World-System in Crisis: Bifurcation, Chaos, and Choices
Wallerstein thinks that the current system is in the midst of a long-term crisis, and it might not have the power to restore its perfect balance. The current capitalist world-system recuperates itself, as its creation of profits is actually a process similar to funding its employees to buy its products. The balance here is difficult to maintain, as purchasing power increases when the cost of keeping the employees increases as well. Businesses then have to look for ways to mitigate the cost and maximise the profit. For example, by relocating their business to a peripheral country, the cost of production is likely to be externalised; same thing happens when pollution becomes a problem, the business is able to run away from the already polluted land. But these forms of relocation tend to be exhausted as fewer lands are unpolluted and fewer rural ares are undeveloped around the globe. As the system becomes more shakier then ever, the false optimism of the people under oppression will then realise the systemic pitfall, and will look for external forces to compel the system for changes. Wallerstein further observes that in the long cycle of economic downturn the neoliberalists try to boost economy by abolishing trade barriers and cut taxation to encourage the flow of capital and its accumulation. Still, the world-economy today focuses too much the financial side of business: arguably a fluctuant field as there is not real production to support its operations; at the end of the day those who suffer are usually normal people. Even liberty does not promise to solve all the problems as there are the liberty of the majority and that of the minority, as there are people who want use them as a disguise to pursue non-libertarian goals. Equality, as opposed to liberty, supports the realisation of the liberty of the many, while simultaneously encourages that of the few. No matter how this goes, however, Wallersiten is optimistic in a sense that people are more aware of their rights, hence the agency to fight for them.