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mojojomo 's review for:
Anti-Tech Revolution: Why and How
by Theodore John Kaczynski
[I received a complimentary copy of this book in exchange for my review.]
Theodore John Kaczynski's Anti-Tech Revolution: Why and How is a tightly reasoned treatise on why a revolution against the technological system is essential and of primary importance. The book also lays out a general course of action framed by four postulates and five rules that any revolutionary movement should consider.
First, to the why. To be sure, technological developments have taken on a life of their own. And Kaczynski lays out a meticulous, if abstract, argument in support of this thesis. Corporatism or capitalism, elitism or oligarchy — in fact, economics or political systems in general — aren't significant topics of discussion or consideration for Kaczynski. Technology and its destructive tendency is apparently the only factor that matters. That assertion deserves much greater explanation and support.
I did find myself trying to buy in, suspending doubt, and, yes, disregarding the author's personal history and crimes as I read. But beyond the Why and into the How section, Anti-Tech Revolution seems to leave behind humanity — and for me, moral integrity — in its path forward.
Kaczynski is adamant about the exclusivity of such a revolutionary movement; membership must be restricted to the most serious and dedicated. Perhaps that is necessary for a movement intended to completely and irreversibly abolish the technological system. Restricting organizational membership to the vanguard is one thing, but refusing to join with or entertain the rights of others, minority, gay, and feminist, or even radical environmental movements, seems exclusive to the point of precluding the human race.
Nevertheless, for those involved and/or interested in any radical movement, Anti-Tech Revolution is still worth reading. It's postulates and rules make sense within the framework of revolutionary success "by any means necessary." Unlike so many other anti-tech and eco-utopian writers, Kaczynski does not promote vague or naive prescriptions for change. Its history and analysis of past movements are also well-reasoned — again, within the narrow scope of success or failure. For this reader, however, historical analysis without regard to human impact is out of the question.
If all civil rights and environmental movements are to be shunned, who or what will stand to benefit from overthrow of the tech system? And what will replace the "system"? These issues aren't addressed in this work, and given the exclusivity of Kaczynski's revolution, there doesn't seem to be an acceptable answer in any case.
Kaczynski is also emphatic that a large minority can succeed in revolution, especially if a societal crisis tips the balance in its favor. He also provides more than a hint that violent tactics must be considered, and extreme discipline and obedience to organizational authority are essential to success. Use of technology in this effort, he says, is OK too. At this point in the book, I'm not phased by this ends-justifies-the-means logic. Because well before this point, I've abandoned his cause — because he has clearly abandoned most of us.
Theodore John Kaczynski's Anti-Tech Revolution: Why and How is a tightly reasoned treatise on why a revolution against the technological system is essential and of primary importance. The book also lays out a general course of action framed by four postulates and five rules that any revolutionary movement should consider.
First, to the why. To be sure, technological developments have taken on a life of their own. And Kaczynski lays out a meticulous, if abstract, argument in support of this thesis. Corporatism or capitalism, elitism or oligarchy — in fact, economics or political systems in general — aren't significant topics of discussion or consideration for Kaczynski. Technology and its destructive tendency is apparently the only factor that matters. That assertion deserves much greater explanation and support.
I did find myself trying to buy in, suspending doubt, and, yes, disregarding the author's personal history and crimes as I read. But beyond the Why and into the How section, Anti-Tech Revolution seems to leave behind humanity — and for me, moral integrity — in its path forward.
Kaczynski is adamant about the exclusivity of such a revolutionary movement; membership must be restricted to the most serious and dedicated. Perhaps that is necessary for a movement intended to completely and irreversibly abolish the technological system. Restricting organizational membership to the vanguard is one thing, but refusing to join with or entertain the rights of others, minority, gay, and feminist, or even radical environmental movements, seems exclusive to the point of precluding the human race.
Nevertheless, for those involved and/or interested in any radical movement, Anti-Tech Revolution is still worth reading. It's postulates and rules make sense within the framework of revolutionary success "by any means necessary." Unlike so many other anti-tech and eco-utopian writers, Kaczynski does not promote vague or naive prescriptions for change. Its history and analysis of past movements are also well-reasoned — again, within the narrow scope of success or failure. For this reader, however, historical analysis without regard to human impact is out of the question.
If all civil rights and environmental movements are to be shunned, who or what will stand to benefit from overthrow of the tech system? And what will replace the "system"? These issues aren't addressed in this work, and given the exclusivity of Kaczynski's revolution, there doesn't seem to be an acceptable answer in any case.
Kaczynski is also emphatic that a large minority can succeed in revolution, especially if a societal crisis tips the balance in its favor. He also provides more than a hint that violent tactics must be considered, and extreme discipline and obedience to organizational authority are essential to success. Use of technology in this effort, he says, is OK too. At this point in the book, I'm not phased by this ends-justifies-the-means logic. Because well before this point, I've abandoned his cause — because he has clearly abandoned most of us.